The unprecedented development that China and its economic system have experienced in the past few decades has been the core argument for the work of many scholars throughout the world, who have tried to explain the causes and the possible consequences of such development on a larger, worldwide scale. "Did Government Decentralization Cause China's Economic Miracle," by Hongbin Cai and Daniel Treisman, and "Federalism, Chinese Style: The Political Basis for Economic Success," by Gabriella Montinola, Yingyi Qian, and Barry R. Weingast, both discuss issues regarding the process of decentralization that has characterized China's economic development over the past few decades. While Cai and Treisman focus on the role of decentralization on the reform of the Chinese economic system, arguing how decentralization itself has not been the spark of policy experiments and reforming, Montinola, Qian, and Weingast put decisively more emphasis on the relationships between different levels of government, accentuating the aspects that helped shape the Chinese modern economic system. Connected to such claims is "From North-South to South-South, by Robert J. S. Ross and Anita Chan, in which the two scholars analyze the competition among countries in the South hemisphere to attract foreign investments, an issue that sees China as a main actor. Furthermore, the aspects of economic developments have brought scholars to believe that China has started a long path towards democracy, demonstrating the effectiveness of the well known modernization theory. In his "Confronting a Classic Dilemma Michel Oksenberg analyzes the factors working in favor of such process and the possible obstacles to it. The same arguments are made, in a deeper way, by Yu Liu and Dingding Chen, in their "Why China Will Democratize, where they argue a simple claim, which is that "China will become a democracy" (Liu and Chen 41). The characterizing features of Chinese economic development are explained in different ways by many scholars. Some focus on the causes of such a rapid growth, while others mainly stress the results of it. All of the different approaches scholars take are extremely helpful in the process of understanding the complicacy of a far-from western ideals economic system, such as the Chinese one, which nevertheless uses elements of western developed economies to strengthen its economy and persist following the path started decades ago. In their article, Cai and Treisman take into consideration the historical development of China. The process of decentralization was in a certain way started by Mao, who feared military invasion. According to the two scholars, decentralization can be divided into three types: 1. Administrative Decentralization, which occurs when national authorities permit their subnational agents to make certain policy decisions, subject to review and possible veto from above; 2. Political Decentralization, which could mean that subnational governments have rights to make policy decisions not subject to review and that officials are chosen by local residents rather than higher officials; and 3. Fiscal Decentralization, by which local governments would collect large shares of marginal revenues from profit or income taxes. However, according to Cai and Treisman, it is the economic structure that China inherited from Mao that is the key element that helped China's development, since provincial economies, at the occurring of the decentralization process, were already self-sufficient and internally diversified. In fact, it is the internal diversification characterizing the different provinces, in compliance with the scholars' theories, which stimulates the competition between the local governments and the draft of experimenting policies. More specifically, Cai and Treisman argue theories of other scholars, which consider various experiments enacted by local governments, such as the introduction of the HRS (Household Responsibility System), the SEZs (Special Economic Zones), or the SOEs (State-Owned Enterprises), as a result of political and administrative decentralization. However, according to the two scholars, and demonstrated by historical records, the main reforms of the Chinese economic system were introduced when China was still centralized. In fact, in 1978 when the three experiments were introduced China was one of the most centralized countries in the world. Furthermore, in a strong and disciplined system such as the Chinese Communist Party, where promotions and benefits depended on respect of authorities and rules, local government representatives were highly afraid to be linked to "decentralism," which was viewed as a serious breach of discipline. This is one of the main reasons why, according to Cai and Treisman, "most of the experiments that shaped China's reforms were not initiated by innovative, autonomous local leaders in defiance of an ideologically blinkered center. Most are better seen as gambits i