A Bolivian city, named Oruro, situated almost 4000m above the sea level, rich in mineral resources, and "discovered  in the early 17th century by the Spaniards (Córdova 11). The brief description that I gave could easily apply to almost every other Latin American settlement, however, this is not the point I want to make. Instead, my intention is to focus on a particular event, namely the Oruro Carnival in Bolivia, which for a short period between February and March, manages to transform the city into a joyful masquerade for both the locals and the foreigners. As the Oruro Carnival is recognized officially as "Bolivia's most prominent folkloric expression  (11), it reinforces the construction of a national pride for the former group, and rises attractiveness for the latter. Yet, this representation is not fully a homogenous formation, but has been accepted as such so that it serves the needs of both external and internal peoples: mainly an economic profit for the former and a cultural survival for the latter. My aim in the hereby blog is to reconstruct the notion of the exceptionless of the Oruro Parade and elaborate on the question why both the locals and the foreigners are willing to keep their carnival masks. The uniqueness of the Oruro Carnival is built upon the constructed idea of its exceptional tradition. A tradition, as argued by the scholar Córdova, that encompasses both the mining and the religious practices in the region since the colonial era (14) and, which in 2001 was declared by UNESCO as "a Masterpiece of the Oral and the Intangible Heritage of Humanity (11). However, this declaration failed/s to recognize the dynamics in the Oruro tradition and dismissed/s the fact that the "traditionalization  of the Carnival involved/s much of selective and exclusive acts (12). On behalf of my first claim, and with the risk of distancing from the specificity of my topic, I will utilize an extract from a quote by the